home Peter Orvetti's Alternate history scenarios - 3
Sic Semper Proditores
by Peter Orvetti
Peter J. Orvetti is a political journalist living in Washington, D.C. He has been an Internet writer and editor since 1997, and has been published in many American newspapers including the Atlanta Journal-Constitution and the Washington Times.
His stories can be found at http://www.orvetti.com/alternate_history.
This is his third, astounding fiction.
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Lester Maddox hustled the few remaining customers out of the Pickrick and locked the restaurant door behind him.
It was a Tuesday evening, so business was slow, but a few more folks could have been counted on to trickle in. Still,
Maddox did not want to get caught in the curfew, especially on his way to the meeting.
He kept his head down as he walked through the streets of Shermantown, just north of old Atlanta. Tension rose in
his belly, but he was always careful not to walk too fast, lest he attract unwanted attention from the blue-clad Southern
Guard soldiers that hung about the streets. They were mostly young men, green and nervous, who for one reason or another
could not succeed in the regular army. Still, they were armed and it was their side that was in charge. Glancing up,
Maddox had to stifle a sneer at the sight of three armed colored soldiers on one corner. If that wasn't the world turned
upside down, what was? Of course for Maddox, this had always been the world he knew.
A noisy 1948 Studebaker rattled down Seward Avenue, coughing like it was a mile or two away from death. The 10-year-old
machine was in bad shape, but by Shermantown standards, was practically a new car. Maddox had seen a '53 Chevy a few days ago,
but that was rare.
Peering around furtively to make sure the patrols were not watching, Maddox ducked into an alleyway and approached a
nondescript door. It was plain yellow wood, but for a hastily slapped-on X of blue paint, an identifier of the meeting
place. Even that much could be dangerous. He rapped on the door, which opened just an inch. "Mary Surratt," Maddox said,
and the door swung open for him.
Inside the old warehouse space, about two dozen members of the Order of St. Andrew's Cross milled about, some sitting
on folding chairs and chatting, others standing and laughing at private jokes. After a few minutes, however, the Shermantown
chapter president, a man in his mid-forties named Herman Talmadge, went to the front of the room to open the meeting.
"Brothers!" Talmadge shouted, quieting the crowd. "Tonight we meet to mark the 150th anniversary of the birth of the first
and only true president of our nation, Jefferson Davis." At the mention of Davis's name, most of the crowd whistled,
clapped, and stamped their feet. "For nearly a century we have kept his vision, and the vision of the Confederacy, alive,
despite the heavy hand of the Northern occupiers. Those who fell in the fight for our freedom would be proud of our humble
efforts." He gestured to the wall behind him, where a faded print portrait of Davis hung alongside a print of a Thomas Nast
drawing from Harper's Weekly showing three young men standing at the gallows.
"Tonight, as we do every year on this important day, we will screen that great film by D.W. Griffith, the son of
Confederate Colonel Roaring Jake Griffith. So, as a reminder of why we fight, and of what we have lost, I am pleased to
present 'Death of a Nation.'"
The annual tradition carried a whiff of intrigue about it. Presentation of the film in the South, or even mere possession
of it, was banned under U.S. laws passed in the wake of the 16th Amendment, which had permitted curtailment of certain
rights guaranteed by the First Amendment in the territories that had rebelled during the 1860s. Its passage dovetailed
with that of the 17th Amendment, which repealed the Second Amendment outright within those same areas. While he
sympathized with the Southern plight, Griffith was a Kentuckian, and so his rights to free expression had not been altered.
But making the film had ended his career; it was so reviled in the North that Griffith eventually emigrated to Germany
to make films there. An underground group calling itself "D.W.'s Boys" trafficked in contraband copies of the film,
running reels from Kentucky and other one-time border states into the South.
The old film projector wheezed to life, spitting and crackling as the silent film began. The images on screen were familiar
to every man in the room. A handsome actor portraying John Wilkes Booth crept up a staircase, the camera following his
careful steps, as he gently pulled back a curtain and aimed his pistol at the back of a stovepipe hat-topped head.
The lanky, ugly actor seated before Booth whipped around, sneering like a villain in a serial, the hat falling from
his head. The caricature of Lincoln grimaced as Booth fired. The hero of the scene then leapt gracefully from the
balcony to the stage below, raised his gun triumphantly, shouted his immortal line, and bowed with a flourish to
the Ford's Theater crowd before bolting from the scene.
The next scene showed a wily, impish young man rattling a doorknob and sneaking into a bedroom. A mess of a man,
hair tousled and clothes rumpled, drool on his chin, was sprawled across a mattress. His formal business dress
contrasted with the empty liquor bottle in one hand. The man snored noisily, and offered a hacking cough. The young
man smiled and pulled a Bowie knife from inside his coat.
The third familiar vignette came up on the screen. A well-dressed young man rapped on the door of a fancy home and,
greeted by a puzzled servant, held up a vial of medicine from an apothecary. The servant waved the man in, and the
errand-runner made for a grand staircase. As he began his ascent, an angry young man, probably in his 30s, stepped out
from the top of the stairs to block his way. The visitor whipped out a pistol and quickly dispatched of the young man,
as the servant looked on in horror. The man threw down the medicine, bolted up the stairs, and threw open a door,
firing again.
The film showed soldiers and policemen hauling the bodies of Abraham Lincoln, Andrew Johnson, and William Seward out
of the various Washington sites where they had died, then John Wilkes Booth, George Andreas Atzerodt, and David Edgar
Herold making their way out of the city. The next few scenes were familiar to any student of American history, though
in this version, the assassins were the heroes and the pursuing Army troops the villains. The heroes of the story made
their way south, crossing the Potomac into Virginia, the army in chase. They were finally apprehended in a barn near
Bowling Green. The dashing Booth was portrayed as fighting off the dirty, unshaven Army men with heroic blows before
being brought down by a bullet to his shoulder. Herold and Atzerodt expressed a stoic rage as they were bound and
carted off with their leader.
The Griffith film portrayed the prosecution of the three men as a show trial, with a lazy judge and a howling,
biased jury. Booth had chosen to represent himself, and his impassioned defense of the Southern cause simply brought
more catcalls and outcries from the jury and the audience. Finally, the three men were shown at the gallows, heads
raised defiantly, a hagiographic take on the same scene shown in the Nast cartoon at the front of the room. Echoing
an earlier patriot, Booth said softly, "I only regret that I have but one life to lose for the South," then cried,
"I die a hero!" The three men fell, and the projector went silent.
* * *
The successful assassination of the top three men in the United States government was intended to create chaos and bring
down the Union, something the Confederate army had been unable to do. But the line of succession continued. Andrew Johnson
had spent his brief moments as Lincoln's successor in a drunken stupor; William Seward spent his minutes-long presidency in
bed. Next in line was the man who, early in the morning of April 16, 1865, became the 17th president of the United States,
Lafayette Sabine Foster.
The balding, mustachioed Foster was in his second term as a Republican senator from Connecticut, and he had been elected
President Pro Tempore just the month before, putting him in the line of succession after Seward. The stolid, conservative
Foster had been a trusted adviser of Lincoln. One Senate colleague wrote of Foster that he was "of remarkably fine
personal appearance, with elegant manners, and cultivated tastes, yet genuinely cordial and kindly feeling. He was no
seeker after popularity, and a man of the most absolute integrity."
A visitor to Washington, D.C., can today visit a shrine-like marble memorial in which Lincoln and Foster sit side-by-side
on white stone thrones. In the districts of the South, however, only Foster surpasses Lincoln in terms of public disgust
and hatred. During his time in office, Foster would pursue what in the North is called Reconciliation, and in the South
the Second War Between the States.
The triple assassination whipped the North into a furor beyond that of Fort Sumter. While Republicans in Congress and
the Lincoln White House had begun to debate the means of reconstructing the South, the events of April 15 killed any
hopes of moderation. Many Democrats from the northern states immediately switched parties, and moderate Republicans
cast their lot with the Radicals. There would be no mercy for the South now.
Troops who had just finished four years of war lined up to join the fight again, and were sent off into the remaining
Southern cities. Efforts to rebuild what had been destroyed came to a halt as President Foster declared the focus to
be on occupation and the keeping down of Southern insurgents. Indeed, small guerilla units under the overall command
of Confederate Gen. Nathan Bedford Forrest had been raiding towns and taking shots at Union soldiers, and this second
Northern invasion first focused on them. Their "Kyklos Clan" was essentially defeated by the fall of 1865, with small
bands fleeing to continue their fight from the Georgia and Tennessee mountains, and others breaking off into a myriad
number of small anti-occupation groups like the Order of St. Andrew's Cross. While all of these groups would come
illegal, with membership punishable by imprisonment or even death by firing squad, few took any overt political
action, and were mostly ways for angry downtrodden white Southern men to vent their frustrations.
Meanwhile in Washington, the legislative boot was also coming down on the southerners. The Thirteenth through
Seventeenth Amendments were easily approved by Christmas, and in early 1866, Congress agreed to President Foster's
harsh standard for readmittance to the Union. Any state wishing to rejoin must agree to do so by a vote of 100% of
its adult population, with every person voting and voting yes. It was designed to be impossible to meet. In the summer
of that year, referenda were held in Florida, Arkansas, and Texas. While the Yes vote topped 90% in each, turnout was
low. No other state moved to call a vote.
By 1867, the entire South was under firm military governance. Foster delighted in sending black troops from the North
to police the cities, and that year he also authorized the training of black men from the occupied states for military
duty. Forts and bases in the South opened up again, but no whites were permitted to enlist (though few would have wanted to).
With Atlanta and other cities still just ashes and quelled cinders, small satellite towns began to grow, under
military policing and martial law.
The Republicans nominated Foster for a full term in 1868, with Radical Republican Sen. Benjamin Franklin Wade his running
mate. Moderate Republican Sen. Lyman Trumbull of Illinois ran with Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock on an Independent
Republican ticket calling for a loosening of the draconian grip on the defeated South. The remnants of the Democratic
Party tapped former congressman George Pendleton, the party's vice presidential candidate from four years before,
with Gen. Francis Preston Blair Jr. as his running mate.
The result was a lopsided victory for the Foster-Wade ticket. The President received nearly four million of the
six million votes cast, losing only Illinois and Kentucky to Trumbull. Pendleton gained the distinction of being
the last Democratic presidential nominee. He won fewer than one in 10 votes and lost in every state. The Democrats'
ranks in the Senate fell from six to two, and in the House from 21 to three.
A second Reconciliation Act was approved in 1870. It re-divided the South into numbered districts that ignored
state and county lines as a means of dividing internal cohesion and loyalties. Each of the five districts was run
from its largest remaining city; there were 10 sub-districts in each district. This was proclaimed to be a temporary
emergency measure to expire in 1875, when a theoretical third Act would create new standards for rejoining the Union.
This third act was never crafted.
President Foster gave way to President Wade, and he in turn to President Blaine. Political freedom would not be
returning to the South any time soon, except for Southern black military officers who, by a constitutional amendment
during the Wade Administration, were granted the right to send one senator and one representative to Washington.
President Blaine signed a law permitting the direct election by all males of the leadership of the sub-districts,
though District Governor remained a post appointed by the US Secretary of Southern Affairs.
The Industrial Revolution brought further change. Industrialists were drawn to the South, where many men were out of
work and the economy had been sluggish for decades. Despite the lack of political freedom, the South made a comeback
of sorts as the 19th century reached its end. This was stymied somewhat by the arrival of European immigrants in
Northern cities -- they were forbidden to migrate to the South -- but the availability of cheap labor on a section
of American soil where few laws would hinder them led most business leaders to continue to favor the occupation zones.
After a few years, what looked like it might be a major wave of migration from Europe to New York and the surrounding
areas began to fizzle out, with the boats from Italy and Ireland and other nations instead trying their luck in Canada.